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Tracking Cookies. Flori Bakalli said, in English. They were burning the houses and they started to scream like a wolf -- 'woo, woo' -- and they shot people in the back. Near my house there were five of them I saw myself. Ethnic Albanians moved from house to house and apartment to apartment, fleeing and moving in with relatives and friends, they said, to stay ahead of the advancing Serbs. In the old town, where many of the dwellings were built close together, Albanians broke holes through the walls so they could run from one home to another to escape if the Serbs knocked on the door.

Everybody, children included, slept fitfully in their clothes and shoes, ready to run. Someone had to be always awake, peering through a window or the peepholes of steel gates to see if the Serbs were coming. Hoxha, a dignified white-haired man, took a reporter's notebook to sketch his family's compound and their futile attempts to elude Serbian attackers as they killed and burned their way through the neighborhood. We stayed there for four nights, and the fifth night the Serbs came. Hoxha said, using the initials by which the Yugoslav Army is known. My son-in-law was watching through the hole in the steel gate and came and told us to wake up.

They had parked a car sideways across the gate to block it, but the Serbs pushed through with a heavier vehicle. Thinking that the Serbs were looking only for men of military age, Mr. Hoxha and two other men climbed out a second-story window, dropped onto a wall and escaped. He spent the next seven hours hiding in the narrow space between two buildings, squeezed between the concrete walls, listening to shouts and screams and gunshots.

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In the morning he came back to the compound and found the bodies of everyone who had been left behind, some of the bodies burned. Later he said he had learned that the Serbs had first shot his year-old daughter, Flaka, in front of her mother, then the older daughter, Tringa. His wife pleaded with them not to kill the children, but then they killed her.

One of his granddaughters, Shihana, a spunky girl of 6, ran away and tried to hide in a closet, but they killed her there and set fire to the closet. Next door, in the Caka family house, 20 people were hiding in the basement, when the Serbian forces broke in. They shot 18 people in the back of the head.

A year-old boy, Dren Caka, was somehow only wounded in the left arm, and escaped by pretending to be dead, and later gave his account to reporters at the medical tent set up at the Morini border crossing. After the Serbs left, he said, he managed to slip out a window, but he could not take his 2-year-old sister with him and she was burned alive when the Serbs torched the house.

It was he who witnessed the killing of Mr. Hoxha's family. Over the course of the assault, more than boys -- presumably regarded as potential Kosovo Liberation Army recruits -- were captured, refugees said, and taken to a sports center.

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No one knows what has happened to them. In just seven days, March 30 to April 5, some 51, people were herded on foot, according to records of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, from Djakovica to a tiny remote border crossing in the mountains called Qafar-e-Prushit. The way looks like a road on a map, but it really becomes just a muddy footpath up the steep climb, which can be traveled only on foot because vehicles would set off the mines the Serbs had planted.

They were city people in city shoes, and they pushed the sick and elderly along with them in wheelbarrows. As Djakovica suffered, other Serbs were at work nearby purging a wide area they regarded as a rebel highway. In a rare account by a Serb, a captured soldier described to NATO interrogators how his infantry battalion was sent without explanation to Pec. On March 27, the soldier said, his commander gathered about men outside an elementary school and outlined their mission: expelling Albanians from their homes.

The time had come, he said, to drive the Albanians out of Serbia, according to an American official familiar with the account. The troops were to move through the city house by house, he said, ordering residents to dress in a few minutes, pack one small bag and leave in the direction of Decani, a city to the south. The soldiers looted jewelry, torched homes. At day's end, many were driving new cars. An artillery and armoured unit deployed to the nearby village of Ljubenic used rougher tactics.

The soldier said a friend in the unit had told him they had killed 80 men while expelling the women, children and elderly. In another of the region's villages, Bela Crkva Bellacrkva in Albanian , on March 25, soldiers and special policemen torched the homes and farm buildings and killed at least 62 people, most of them gunned down with automatic weapons in a stream bend.

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Zheniqi, a survivor, said in an interview. I was lucky because all the dead bodies fell on top of me. It was one of a series of mass killings over the next few days along a seven-mile stretch of villages in the rolling hills, including Celina, Pirane, Krush-e-Vogel called Mala Krusa in Serbian and Krush-e-Mahde Velika Krusa , where Bekim Duraku remembered, life was so ''beautiful, if someone offered to take me to the United States, I wouldn't have gone.

On March 26, the third day of the NATO bombing, the idyllic life ended in one of the best-documented of the mass killings, including an amateur videotape of the bodies. Serbian forces stormed through the village shooting down people in several areas, burning some bodies, digging a mass grave with a backhoe for others and leaving some lying in piles on the ground.

The violent emptying of the Djakovica region had a specific military purpose: cutting off the Kosovo Liberation Army supply lines.

The Serbs followed it up by planting more mines, strengthening their forces along the border and mounting raids into Albania. But in a long stretch of villages, towns and cities across Kosovo -- places either close to the border or on main transportation routes -- there were similar, if less intensely concentrated, outbursts of killing and burning in those same days with another aim: driving out the majority Albanian population.

How it worked is readily discerned by comparing the refugee figures kept at the Albanian, Macedonian and Montenegrin borders with a map of Kosovo. What the comparison shows is how areas close to the border were cleared first, often by wild bursts of killings that served as an example.

This cleared transportation routes that facilitated the hounding out of people from other villages, who gathered in the main town of a region, and from the cities.

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Sweeping his hands over a map in broad arcs across the major roadways, Fron Nazi, an Albanian-American scholar heading up a major human rights study and in touch with both refugees and the rebels, demonstrated how the Serbian strategy was apparent: first to empty the population centers and control that scorched earth, then to isolate the rebel fighters in the forests where they could be contained, squeezed and even starved out. Forcing the refugees over the borders, NATO intelligence experts believe, served another purpose: overwhelming NATO troops stationed in Macedonia with an unmanageable relief crisis, calculating that the task of feeding, housing and caring for hundreds of thousands of refugees would consume the alliance's energies and divert it from preparing a military campaign.

The refugees accounts in their thousands bear a striking sameness as they tell of Serbian gunmen bursting into their homes, threatening to kill if the Albanians do not give up jewelry, of seeing relatives or neighbors killed. Almost every Albanian interviewed begins by telling the exact time the Serbs arrived.

But after days of hiding or plodding along in refugee columns, they often could not remember what day it was. In many accounts, it is possible to discern a division of labor among the Serbian attackers. Typically the Yugoslav Army, usually the Pristina Corps of the Third Army, surrounded an area, shelling it with tanks, artillery or or Katyusha rockets. Then the police, local Serbs who were sometimes reservists, and the paramilitaries moved in for the close-in dirty work, going block by block, house by house, pounding on doors, demanding money, and often shooting people on the spot.

After the door-to-door terror, the military moved in to herd the people out, either on foot or tractor, or sometimes on trains and buses, the refugee accounts agree. The Pristina Corps, in close conjunction with the blue-uniformed Serbian Interior Ministry troops, cleared transit routes. As the flow of refugees accelerated, regular soldiers in green camouflage were deployed at key intersections to control movement. By all accounts, it was a tightly ordered, coordinated campaign, from the artillery that shelled villages, to the masked gunmen who killed, looted and spread terror, to the armored cars and lines of troops who chased people hiding in the woods to corral them in larger central towns for eventual expulsion.

In some cases, human rights workers interviewing refugees say, different groups of gunmen were distinguished by different colored armbands or headbands. Even the wild-appearing masked irregulars -- Arkan's Tigers, the White Eagles and others -- were under tight control, NATO experts said, and reported to the intelligence arm of the Serbian Interior Ministry. The level of violence varied widely, depending on the whim of the local Serbian official in charge, or even individual gunmen. An international official visited a woman of about 50 in a hospital with both of her nipples hacked off.

Some people were clearly targeted, particularly men age 15 to 50, suspected or potential rebel fighters, and those who worked for or rented space to the observer teams from the Office of Cooperation and Security in Europe. One key political activist who was a bridge between Kosovar factions, Fehmi Agani, was pulled off a train outside Pristina by the Serbian police and killed.

There were reports by human rights groups that doctors had been singled out. Evidence on the incidence of rape is less complete.

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President Clinton and other Western leaders often charge that there has been organized rape. But while it is clear that there have been rapes, accounts that are available do not resolve whether they were systematic.


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  • Rape was not mentioned in the indictment by the war crimes tribunal. But for all the signs of a logic behind the purge of Kosovo, many of the individual episodes -- including the gunning down of women and children -- seem inexplicable in military terms, except that the very unpredictability of the savagery added the powerful fear that drove the exodus.

    One set of people might be spared, and the people next door do the same thing and are all killed. There was a man who gave the police 10 marks and they let go, and another who gave them , so they thought he must have more and killed him. By the time, three weeks into the campaign, that the Serbs came to drive the ethnic Albanians out of the north-central city of Mitrovica, said Jacques Franquin, a United Nations official, it was enough for them to gun down an old woman and a teen-age girl in one neighborhood for everyone around to quietly board buses and be directed out of town through traffic control points.

    Five uniformed policemen burst in, forced the family to lie on the floor and demanded money, one warning, ''If you are lying, I will kill the little children. They took away Mr.